Opinion & Thought, Politics and current affairs

A new solution for Brexit?

At the risk of bogging down this blog (blogging down???) – which is meant to be about the quality of life – in repeated political discussions, I want to offer one more observation about the UK’s current Brexit predicament. I am ‘justifying’ it on the grounds that the political climate is a determinant of the quality of life that its recipients enjoy.

This is to propose an alternative resolution to Brexit, which as far as I am aware has not been discussed elsewhere.

I have no doubt that it will be criticised as being biased from the start, so I had better concede that it is a Remainer’s solution – but I defy critics to come up with a more sustainable one, that does not poison the longer-term climate in this country with perhaps-dire consequences.

My starting point is that the pro/anti EU argument is not symmetrical.

The present situation is that the U.K. is a member of the EU. While sceptics might not be happy with this situation, it nonetheless means that this country can influence EU policy: that is an undeniable fact, and it is now clear that it would end with Brexit. This is why Brexiters oppose May’s settlement. Ity is also fact that EU actions will still affect Britain after Brexit, at least if we want to trade with, or travel within it. It is also worth remembering that the U.K. historically has not opposed the vast majority of EU legislation, and has initiated quite a lot.

One might ask objectors what material negative impact EU membership has on their lives. No doubt they would come up with a long list, from the imposition of ‘foreign’ laws through to the use of metric measurements – and of course immigration. While one should not dismiss such objections, it is necessary to separate those which have some traction from those which are mere myth, the genuinely practical from the ‘merely’ ideological – and attempt to address the former. One might expect (though without much hope) that in the interests of national reconciliation, Brexiters would accept this. If they don’t, they should be ignored with the same compunction that Remainers have so far been.

But what of the practical negative impact EU membership has on the daily lives of euro-sceptic Britons? Apart from minor irritations, I suspect the real answer is ‘very little’ – particularly when offset against demonstrable benefits which even many leavers accept, such as free trade, ease of travel or reduction in mobile phone roaming charges etc, which arguably benefit everyone irrespective of their political viewpoint.

This is not to deny that there are certain groups on whom specific legislation has had an impact, such as certain types of farmer or fisher. But it is necessary to balance the impact (loss of freedom for unrestrained fishing) against the long-term benefits – let alone ecological imperative – from preserving fish stocks. People do not always take a bigger view even when it comes to self-interest.

The reality is that people who do not like their European citizenship are largely free to ignore it in their daily lives – and the fact that this is so gives the lie to the claim that the EU is overbearing.

On the other hand, if the UK leaves the EU, the wishes and rights of the 48% (plus) who are pro-Europeans will be materially affected. Their daily lives will be impaired by the loss of the practical advantages mentioned above, which they choose to value using exactly the same rights as Brexiters use to ignore them – not to mention the matters of identity and citizenship which Brexiters are free to ignore, which will be forcibly removed from Remainers. This is not something that any Brexiter who truly values the integrity of their home nation can afford to dismiss. Reconciliation will not be possible unless a resolution can be found to which Remainers can also subscribe – which is why the call to “get over it” is so objectionable.

There is only one solution that can come close to keeping nearly everyone reasonably content (as most were before the accursed referendum) – and that is something close to the status quo. This might appear to be a non-solution – but remaining in the EU is the only way to provide pro-European Britons with the status they desire. However, this is not to deny that around half of the nation is unhappy with that status, even if they overstate its real impact. Therefore, within any proposal to remain need to be concrete proposals to limit the EU’s role in Britain: in effect to create formal ‘special status’ within the EU for the UK, somewhat similar to the special status that Northern Ireland has within the UK in recognition of the divided loyalties of its inhabitants.

The basis for this could of course be the existing opt-outs. But the possibility should also be explored for formalising the process by which these are preserved or even extended in future. The most obvious of these concerns freedom of movement. The U.K. already has derogation from the process of ‘ever closer union’ – and this probably needs to be beefed-up for the sake of sceptics.

This is not my personally-preferred solution: I have never seen why the U.K. should expect to belong to the club on terms any different from the others, and I tend to believe that had it signed up properly at the start, more of the full benefits of membership would have been apparent in this country. But I have to recognise that many would see mine as an extreme position; it is necessary to compromise. The foregoing is a position which even I as a strong pro-European could live with for the sake of the key elements which I hold especially dear: retention of European citizenship, freedom to travel, the single market, perpetuation of peace in Ireland and the ability to be involved and represented at European level.

As before, sceptics would remain free to ignore the existence of much or all of this at anything other than an ideological level. Indeed such freedom might be bulwarked by the guarantees of special status.

While the EU might also be unhappy at the prospects of special status for the UK, it too needs to accept the reality of British public opinion, and concede that its best hope for longer-term reconciliation is to accommodate the present crisis, while stopping the UK from drifting off into isolationism. Brexit has indeed made a special case of this country.

Whether this is a compromise that Brexiters would accept remains to be seen. But if they won’t, it would blow a further hole in their claims to be defending democracy, let alone the preservation of their beloved nation.

 

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